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SYRIA DEEPLY

Tough Labor For Syria's Refugee Students

Ali, who was a French literature student at Aleppo University, now works in an iron factory in Turkey.
Ali, who was a French literature student at Aleppo University, now works in an iron factory in Turkey.
NourIddin Abdo

GAZIANTEP — Syrian university students unable to complete their degrees due to the country’s ongoing conflict and displaced to Turkey are now jobless, or scraping by as day laborers.

Fares, a 29-year-old from Kfar Nabal in the Idlib province, was studying for his final university exams when the security situation in the country made traveling to campus impossible.

After years in medical school, he had just completed his training at the Ibn Rashed Hospital in Aleppo. He planned to specialize in the cardiovascular system, but was forced to drop those plans when it became impossible to travel to Aleppo for his final exams. The journey was just 80 km, but constant shelling made it too risky.

“Only two of my 12 fellow students from all around Syria sat for the exams,” Fares said. He is now trying to find a job to support five of his family members who are in the Turkish border city of Reyhanli, which has been flooded by refugees.

He is well aware that without any formal certificate or proof of education, all of his studies are pretty much worthless on the Turkish job market.

There is no official centralized documentation of the names and specializations of higher-education students, many of whom have been unable to complete their degrees over the last three years.

Ali lives near Fares, and was a third-year French language student at the University of Aleppo when fighting forced him to leave his village, in the Jabal al-Zawiyeh region of Idlib province. Rebels forced the Syrian army out of the town, along with pro-regime militiamen and residents who, like Ali, were fighting alongside them.

He retreated to the province of Aleppo, but did not dare go back to university, fearing retaliation.

Today, he works in an iron factory, where he spends any spare moments he gets browsing the internet searching for a way to continue his studies at a Turkish state university.

“I have attempted to enrol six times at Turkish universities but, each time, it gets brought to a halt when they ask me to show my records from the University of Aleppo, which I cannot go back and get because of the terrible security situation,” he said.

Wishing you had made a different decision

The financial cost of traveling from one Turkish city to another in order to to apply to universities, only to be rejected, is another burden. Ali said that given the current situation, he wishes he had learned a trade back home in Syria instead of seeking a degree.

“If I had learned a profession like carpentry or ironmaking when a child, I would not have to face these hardships today. Now, I’m neither an expert carpenter nor a teacher like I was supposed to be. Now I’m nothing,” he said.

Students in opposition-held areas have been increasingly left behind during the course of the conflict, both by the regime and by new opposition authorities that have sprung up. Compared to the attention they’ve bestowed on the formation of Islamic courts and relief societies, education has received little support.

The Office of the National Higher Commission for Learning and Higher Education, under the umbrella of the opposition National Coalition, is considered the only body which could be responsible for the stabilization of the education sector in rebel held-areas.

Jalal al-Din al-Khanji, its vice president, has talked about obstacles facing them, including funding and poor coordination.

There are large numbers of former students like Ali and Fares. The boys estimated that no more that 20 percent of university students are still in Syrian classrooms.

Neither Ali nor his peers had heard about any action taken by the National Coalition to deal with their cases, or even to keep track of them.

“If we seek to build an institution-based Syria, dependent on efficient and educated people, most of those capable people who have degrees will be from the supporters of the present regime, who were able to continue their university,” Fares said.

“Meanwhile, those who started this revolution to get rid of the present regime and its problems will be without education. How do you imagine that will turn out?

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Germany

Khodorkovsky: Don't Count On A Swift End To The War In Ukraine

The West is deceiving itself if it hopes for a quick end to the Ukraine war. Above all, it must consistently implement an energy transition — otherwise, it will remain at Putin's mercy, writes prominent Kremlin critic Mikhail Khodorkovsky, in German daily Die Welt.

Image of a worker repairing a gas pipeline damaged by a Ukrainian military strike on the centre of the town of Volnovakha, Russia

January 20, 2023: A worker repairs a gas pipeline damaged by a Ukrainian military strike on the centre of the town of Volnovakha, Russia.

Valentin Sprinchak/TASS/ZUMA
Mikhail Khodorkovsky

-OpEd-

LONDON — In the spring of 2014, I went to Kyiv with a large group of Russians representing the European part of the Russian cultural and social elite to express our solidarity with the Maidan protests in Ukraine, and our disapproval of the Russian annexation of Crimea.

Many of us then flew to Kharkiv and Donetsk to meet with Russian-speaking citizens of Ukraine who were concerned about what was happening.

Stay up-to-date with the latest on the Russia-Ukraine war, with our exclusive international coverage.

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In Donetsk, among others, I had a conversation with the leaders of those who stormed the regional administration, including Denis Vladimirovich Pushilin, the current head of the "Donetsk People's Republic." Since then, it has been absurd for me to listen to those who still do not understand that the destabilization of eastern Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea were a "special operation" of the Kremlin from the very beginning.

It is amazing that there are still people who do not understand that Putin is not simply riding the wave of an imperial renaissance in Russia. He is consistently pushing this wave himself, helped by clever propaganda and the direct financing of imperialist-minded national patriots. At the same time, he is suppressing the voices of the sane part of society.

Putin has already used war to solve domestic problems four times (1999 in Chechnya, 2008 in Georgia, 2014 and 2022 in Ukraine) — if you don't count the war in Syria and the de facto annexation of Transnistria, a region in Moldova, which did not "catch on" with public opinion. Putin's main goal is to stay in power, although in recent years there has been a shift toward "legacy." This means a partial restoration of the empire and its influence.

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