Society

French 'Industrial Tourism': Swapping The Chateaux For Shipyards

The Chantiers de l’Atlantique shipyard in the French port of Saint Nazaire on the Atlantic Coast has opened its doors to the public. It is just one of a growing number of French industrial sites catering to a new kind of tourism.

Queen Mary 2 near the port of Saint Nazaire
Queen Mary 2 near the port of Saint Nazaire
François Bostnavaron

SAINT NAZAIRE - Stéphanie Obadia and Romain Amousso seem a little out of place in this coach full of elderly sightseers heading for the famous Chantiers de l'Atlantique shipyard in this industrial port on France's Atlantic Coast. This 30–something Parisian couple were staying up the road in the swanky beach resort of La Baule for a friend's wedding.

"We're not particularly into industrial tourism," says Obadia. "But we are very curious by nature. And a friend had recommended it."

The people on the coach hail from across France as well as further afield. A Polish couple explains in halting French that they come from Gdansk, where the husband used to work at a shipyard.

The visit will last two hours. The possibility of industrial tourists turning into industrial spies is taken very seriously, so our guide Stéphanie Allard lays down the rules: "We will get off the coach only twice." It seems that a photographic memory would also come in handy, since photographs are banned altogether. Those in possession of a Smartphone or James Bond wannabes could still flout the rule and discreetly snap the installation.

Past the checkpoint, the coach enters into this vast factory town sprawling over 270 acres and counting a total of 22 workshops. Workers get around by bicycle on streets named after passenger ships such as the France or the huge oil tanker Batillus, which was christened in 1976.

First stop: the warehouse housing steel plates that will one day be used to make the hulls of future transatlantic liners or battleships. Measuring nearly 12 meters (40 feet) in length, two meters (6.5 feet) in width and about three centimeters (1.2 inches) thick, these sheets hit the scales at 5.5 tons each and can only be transported by an overhead crane equipped with a huge electro-magnet.

Our coach sets off again, for the shipyard's armament basin, or fitting out basin. It is well named because it is currently home to the helicopter carrier Dixmude, due to take to the sea in a few days to return to the French military port of Toulon.

"Does anyone know why it's called an armament's basin in French?" asks the guide. A few of us offer explanations but we can only muster vague and sketchy notions. "Because it's where they used to fit on the cannons!" Allard reveals, before explaining that today it is used for the final fitting out of a ship.

Our coach sets off again. Next stop: the "Plate Steel Shop 2000" baptized as such way back in 1968. This is our first authorized sortie out of the coach. Everyone rushes out, to grab headphones and safety helmets, transforming ourselves -- sort of -- from industrial tourists to factory workers. It is in this huge workshop that they weld together the initial constituent parts and flat panels of a ship. "Don't look directly at the welders' our guide reminds us, insisting on the damaging effect on the eye of the dazzling glare of electric arc welding.

Back on the bus, we hand back our helmets, somewhat reluctantly. Then it's off for the final stop, the shipyard's construction berth. Awe-inspiring for its sheer size, measuring some 470 meters (1550 feet) in length, the berth is all the more impressive at the moment because of the presence of the MSC Divina, a floating palace owned by the Italian ship company MSC. This cruise liner, which is due for delivery in 2012, is 330 meters (1089 feet) long and 38 meters (125 feet) wide. We are all magnetized by this steel monster, which when it is completed will be able to carry 3,950 passengers in 1,700 cabins.

Our group is even more fascinated by an explanation on the functioning of the shipyard's deep basin, the last stop for a vessel before the outfitting berth. Since it would be impossible for any kind of frame-like structure or lifting equipment to budge sea vessels that can weigh between 55 and 165 tons, there is only one solution: the gates are opened to let the sea in so the vessels can float.

"Are there any more questions?" the guide asks. A few hands go up. "How much does a ship like this cost?" asks one visitor. "Between 300-500 million euros," the young woman answers. The Queen Mary 2, she says, which was launched at the end of 2003, cost an eye-watering 863 million euros. "How long does it take to build one of these ships?" asks another sightseer. "Between one and three years, depending on whether it is a prototype or one of a series," Allard explains.

The two-hour visit passes quickly. The coach takes us back to the tourist office, situated at the heart of an enormous naval submarine base built by the Germans during World War II. As we get off, it is clear that everyone thinks the 12 euros they paid for their ticket is money well spent. "What if we went to visit the Airbus factory next?" one man suggests to his wife.

Read the original article in French.

Photo - un drole de zebre

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Geopolitics

Iran-Saudi Arabia Rivalry May Be Set To Ease, Or Get Much Worse

The Saudis may be awaiting the outcome of Iran's nuclear talks with the West, to see whether Tehran will moderate its regional policies, or lash out like never before.

Military parade in Tehran, Iran, on Oct. 3

-Analysis-

LONDON — The Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Saeed Khatibzadeh said earlier this month that Iranian and Saudi negotiators had so far had four rounds of "continuous" talks, though both sides had agreed to keep them private. The talks are to ease fraught relations between Iran's radical Shia regime and the Saudi kingdom, a key Western ally in the Middle East.

Iran's Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian has said that the talks were going in the right direction, while an Iranian trade official was recently hopeful these might even allow trade opportunities for Iranian businessmen in Saudi Arabia. As the broadcaster France 24 observed separately, it will take more than positive signals to heal a five-year-rift and decades of mutual suspicions.


Agence France-Presse news agency, meanwhile, has cited an unnamed French diplomat as saying that Saudi Arabia wants to end its costly discord with Tehran. The sides may already have agreed to reopen consular offices. For Saudi Arabia, the costs include its war on Iran-backed Houthis rebels fighting an UN-recognized government in next-door Yemen.

The role of the nuclear pact

Bilateral relations were severed in January 2016, after regime militiamen stormed the Saudi embassy in Tehran. Amirabdollahian was then the deputy foreign minister for Arab affairs. In 2019, he told the website Iranian Diplomacy that Saudi Arabia had taken measures vis-a-vis Iran's nuclear pact with the world powers.

It's unlikely Ali Khamenei will tolerate the Saudi kingdom's rising power in the region.

He said "the Saudis' insane conduct toward [the pact] led them to conclude that they must prevent [its implementation] in a peaceful environment ... I think the Saudis are quite deluded, and their delusion consists in thinking that Trump is an opportunity for them to place themselves on the path of conflict with the Islamic Republic while relying on Trump." He meant the administration led by the U.S. President Donald J.Trump, which was hostile to Iran's regime. This, he said, "is not how we view Saudi Arabia. I think Yemen should have been a big lesson for the Saudis."

The minister was effectively admitting the Houthis were the Islamic Republic's tool for getting back at Saudi Arabia.

Yet in the past two years, both sides have taken steps to improve relations, without firm results as yet. Nor is the situation likely to change this time.

Photo of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in 2020

Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in 2020

commons.wikimedia.org

Riyadh's warming relations with Israel

Iran's former ambassador in Lebanon, Ahmad Dastmalchian, told the ILNA news agency in Tehran that Saudi Arabia is doing Israel's bidding in the region, and has "entrusted its national security, and life and death to Tel Aviv." Riyadh, he said, had been financing a good many "security and political projects in the region," or acting as a "logistical supplier."

The United States, said Dastmalchian, has "in turn tried to provide intelligence and security backing, while Israel has simply followed its own interests in all this."

Furthermore, it seems unlikely Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei will tolerate, even in this weak period of his leadership, the kingdom's rising power in the region and beyond, and especially its financial clout. He is usually disparaging when he speaks of Riyadh's princely rulers. In 2017, he compared them to "dairy cows," saying, "the idiots think that by giving money and aid, they can attract the goodwill of Islam's enemies."

Iranian regime officials are hopeful of moving toward better diplomatic ties and a reopening of embassies. Yet the balance of power between the sides began to change in Riyadh's favor years ago. For the kingdom's power has shifted from relying mostly on arms, to economic and political clout. The countries might have had peaceful relations before in considerably quieter, and more equitable, conditions than today's acute clash of interests.

If nuclear talks break down, Iran's regime may become more aggressive.

Beyond this, the Abraham Accord or reconciliation of Arab states and Israel has been possible thanks to the green light that the Saudis gave their regional partners, and it is a considerable political and ideological defeat for the Islamic Republic.

Assuming all Houthis follow Tehran's instructions — and they may not — improved ties may curb attacks on Saudi interests and aid its economy. Tehran will also benefit from no longer having to support them. Unlike Iran's regime, the Saudis are not pressed for cash or resources and could even offer the Houthis a better deal. Presently, they may consider it more convenient to keep the softer approach toward Tehran.

For if nuclear talks with the West break down, Iran's regime may become more aggressive, and as experience has shown, tensions often prompt a renewal of missile or drone attacks on the Saudis, on tankers and on foreign shipping. Riyadh must have a way of keeping the Tehran regime quiet, in a distinctly unquiet time.

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