CHANGSHA - When the Dazehu village chief told his constituents that a company was planning to build the tallest skyscraper in the world right there, in the swamps in front of the village, Mrs. Tan’s only reaction was: “All right then...”
It takes more than that to overwhelm this 60-year old woman, who has become used to big changes in the region: Changsha is getting closer every day, bringing its prosperity along. She seems to regret the fact that her village was leveled to the ground in 2002 to build five or six-story high apartment buildings. If only the authorities had waited a few more years, she would have certainly had a chance to live in one of these new skyscrapers.
"I don’t necessarily like these high-rise buildings; getting up the floors is not convenient -- but they are more modern," she explains.
The city of Changsha — famous in the past for hosting Mao Zedong as a student — is moving fast toward the future. The boom is only recent. First it was the big coastal cities that grew richer. Now Hunan’s capital city, with a population of seven million, is doing everything it can to catch up.
"It won’t last forever, that’s for sure. But right now, the growth rate is extremely high, since we started off very poor,” says Liu Feu, CEO of Changsha-based consulting firm Fuli Investment.
Taxi driver Liu Rong parks his car in the middle of nowhere, by the Xiang River. He points to the riverbank right in front of him: "This is where the second business district will be." There are cranes surrounding a huge concrete structure. "There will also be an art center, to attract more people."
Such is life in Changsha, even though the city will probably have to lean hard on public spending. Last July, as the slowdown of the Chinese economy started to become worrisome, the city council unveiled an investment plan in infrastructure that seemed unreal to most economists: 829 billion Yuan (104 million euros) which included a new airport and a subway system. With a growth rate of 12.9% in this year's first semester, Changsha had enough resources to make the rest of the country jealous (7.8%), and to a larger extent, the rest of the world.
A few kilometers away, a huge new project is being launched: Meixi Lake, where dozens of residential complexes have already been sold -- even though they are far from being completed. Forty-year old Hu Xiao has not quite made his mind yet: The price is already a little high. Like many others in these new urban zones, he is wondering whether he should go ahead — the city will boom for sure but will it really become the center of the universe, as promised by the hostesses promoting the project?
The Tan family first experienced change two or three years ago when one of their two sons, who had worked as a migrant builder before, managed to secure a regular-job and buy himself a car: “Well, let’s go for a ride, I said,” recalls Mrs. Tan. Since then, the considerate son has driven her to a holy mountain, and to visit Chairman Mao's hometown. She swears all it takes is a phone call for him to drive her downtown.
Yet Mrs. Tan still has doubts regarding how fast the new skyscraper will be built. How can they build a tower that is ten meter higher than Dubai’s Burj Khalifa in only three to five months, as promised by Broad — the company behind the project. This Changsha-based air-conditioning firm wants to develop sustainable buildings and become a symbol of modernity in this gloomy town. The company already astonished everyone when it managed to build a 30-story high hotel in only two weeks. Now it wants to make history again by building a 220-story “Sky City,” with a surface of a million square meters, and in record-breaking time. The city council has already given its approval, but Beijing is now taking a closer look at the sustainability of this architectural — and financial — frenzy.
Why does it have to be done so quickly? “Time is money and 93% of the construction work is done in factories. It is like a Lego game,” says Jiang Yan, the vice-president of the company, bragging about the organic cafeteria he built for his employees. A copy of the Versailles ballroom, the French royal castle, was even built to satisfy Zhang Yue’s ego, Broad’s immensely rich boss. It is all about money: investors have loans and no time to waste.
Road roller resolution
In Changsha, things are moving fast, as 43-year-old farmer Zeng E’hua learned the hard way: “It wasn’t really an accident,” she says referring to the tragic demise of her boyfriend, He Zhihua. They moved together four years ago, and then, in 2010, a new highway was built in the middle of the village. He’s house was not demolished because they built the road ten meters away from it so they wouldn’t have to compensate him.
Mr. He complained but the local authorities ignored his calls. In a last ditch effort, he went to Beijing, but failed to get the support of the central government.
In Sept. 2012, He Zhihua came back to his hometown empty-handed and saw that the four-lane highway was being built right over his tiny backyard. On Sept. 16, three days after coming home, he started protesting again and was confronted by a local official who did not like the fact that he had gone over his head and taken his protest to Beijing. The man slapped Mr. He twice before taking him forcibly back to the construction site.
Humiliated, he laid down three meters away from a road roller, says Ms. Zeng and dared it to run over him. The driver stopped the vehicle when he came close to He’s arm but an official told him to go ahead, she recalls. Photographs taken by some relatives depict the horrible “accident.”
The following night, hundreds of men stole his corpse. A group of hired muscle even beat up Mr. He’s female cousin. Yet the story does not end there: On Nov. 5, local officials admonished He’s widow for spoiling Changsha’s reputation by sharing her story with strangers.
The Saudis may be awaiting the outcome of Iran's nuclear talks with the West, to see whether Tehran will moderate its regional policies, or lash out like never before.
LONDON — The Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Saeed Khatibzadeh said earlier this month that Iranian and Saudi negotiators had so far had four rounds of "continuous" talks, though both sides had agreed to keep them private. The talks are to ease fraught relations between Iran's radical Shia regime and the Saudi kingdom, a key Western ally in the Middle East.
Iran's Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian has said that the talks were going in the right direction, while an Iranian trade official was recently hopeful these might even allow trade opportunities for Iranian businessmen in Saudi Arabia. As the broadcaster France 24 observed separately, it will take more than positive signals to heal a five-year-rift and decades of mutual suspicions.
Agence France-Presse news agency, meanwhile, has cited an unnamed French diplomat as saying that Saudi Arabia wants to end its costly discord with Tehran. The sides may already have agreed to reopen consular offices. For Saudi Arabia, the costs include its war on Iran-backed Houthis rebels fighting an UN-recognized government in next-door Yemen.
The role of the nuclear pact
Bilateral relations were severed in January 2016, after regime militiamen stormed the Saudi embassy in Tehran. Amirabdollahian was then the deputy foreign minister for Arab affairs. In 2019, he told the website Iranian Diplomacy that Saudi Arabia had taken measures vis-a-vis Iran's nuclear pact with the world powers.
It's unlikely Ali Khamenei will tolerate the Saudi kingdom's rising power in the region.
He said "the Saudis' insane conduct toward [the pact] led them to conclude that they must prevent [its implementation] in a peaceful environment ... I think the Saudis are quite deluded, and their delusion consists in thinking that Trump is an opportunity for them to place themselves on the path of conflict with the Islamic Republic while relying on Trump." He meant the administration led by the U.S. President Donald J.Trump, which was hostile to Iran's regime. This, he said, "is not how we view Saudi Arabia. I think Yemen should have been a big lesson for the Saudis."
The minister was effectively admitting the Houthis were the Islamic Republic's tool for getting back at Saudi Arabia.
Yet in the past two years, both sides have taken steps to improve relations, without firm results as yet. Nor is the situation likely to change this time.
Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in 2020commons.wikimedia.org
Riyadh's warming relations with Israel
Iran's former ambassador in Lebanon, Ahmad Dastmalchian, told the ILNA news agency in Tehran that Saudi Arabia is doing Israel's bidding in the region, and has "entrusted its national security, and life and death to Tel Aviv." Riyadh, he said, had been financing a good many "security and political projects in the region," or acting as a "logistical supplier."
The United States, said Dastmalchian, has "in turn tried to provide intelligence and security backing, while Israel has simply followed its own interests in all this."
Furthermore, it seems unlikely Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei will tolerate, even in this weak period of his leadership, the kingdom's rising power in the region and beyond, and especially its financial clout. He is usually disparaging when he speaks of Riyadh's princely rulers. In 2017, he compared them to "dairy cows," saying, "the idiots think that by giving money and aid, they can attract the goodwill of Islam's enemies."
Iranian regime officials are hopeful of moving toward better diplomatic ties and a reopening of embassies. Yet the balance of power between the sides began to change in Riyadh's favor years ago. For the kingdom's power has shifted from relying mostly on arms, to economic and political clout. The countries might have had peaceful relations before in considerably quieter, and more equitable, conditions than today's acute clash of interests.
If nuclear talks break down, Iran's regime may become more aggressive.
Beyond this, the Abraham Accord or reconciliation of Arab states and Israel has been possible thanks to the green light that the Saudis gave their regional partners, and it is a considerable political and ideological defeat for the Islamic Republic.
Assuming all Houthis follow Tehran's instructions — and they may not — improved ties may curb attacks on Saudi interests and aid its economy. Tehran will also benefit from no longer having to support them. Unlike Iran's regime, the Saudis are not pressed for cash or resources and could even offer the Houthis a better deal. Presently, they may consider it more convenient to keep the softer approach toward Tehran.
For if nuclear talks with the West break down, Iran's regime may become more aggressive, and as experience has shown, tensions often prompt a renewal of missile or drone attacks on the Saudis, on tankers and on foreign shipping. Riyadh must have a way of keeping the Tehran regime quiet, in a distinctly unquiet time.
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