And If The Pope Called For Drug Legalization?

Pope Francis has been surprisingly progressive on such issues as gay rights. But so far he's taken the hard line on denouncing drugs. That could change if he sees that legalization is the best chance for reducing violence.

Holy dude
Holy dude
Rodrigo Uprimny


BOGOTA — I was convinced — twice over — that the charismatic Pope Francis might genuinely be infallible. First for being pope, because the First Vatican Council declared in 1870 that the Supreme Pontiff could not err, at least not in the presence of the Holy Spirit. And secondly, for being Argentinian. I guess I've come to believe Argentines' famously high opinion of themselves.

Many of the pope's early positions appeared to confirm this "infallibility," showing us as they did a simple man who was open to adopting more humane and understanding positions on issues such as homosexuality. He seemed to have been enlightened by the Holy Spirit.

But Pope Francis has taken two unfortunate positions on the issue of drugs, which demonstrate how fallible he remains.

He recently expressed concern about growing drug trafficking in Argentina, saying he hoped that his native country would not go the "Mexican" way with drugs. The comments prompted verbal protests from Mexico. The pope apologized and clarified that he had not mean to offend Mexicans, and that is almost certainly true.

But he did make a mistake in substance, not only style — for the misperception that drug trafficking making a massive entry into Argentina would somehow represent a "Mexicanization" of the phenomenon in that country. Or as they used to call it in the 1970s and 1980s, "Colombianization."

Gangs love laws

The mistake is in thinking that drug-related violence and corruption elsewhere in Latin America would be due to acquiring — as if by contagion — certain traits of Mexico or Colombia. In fact, the reason for any exponential rise in violence would be that powerful drug-trafficking gangs had developed in Argentina, with enormous capacity for violence. And if that happened, it would not be because of Colombia or Mexico, but instead because of the presence of worldwide laws against certain drugs like marijuana and cocaine.

Such criminalization of drugs have not at all reduced the problems associated with their abuse. Instead, they have very effectively fomented an illicit drug economy with its tremendous potential for related crimes.

This is then related to the pope's second misstep, namely comments he made a few months ago against legalizing drugs. "Drugs are an evil, and in the face of evil, you can neither give way nor make commitments," he said then.

That's a mistaken notion, because drugs are not intrinsically bad. The problem is abuse. Decriminalization, which doesn't mean a free-for-all but a strictly controlled and regulated market, is one way of confronting the abuses without giving way to a prohibition's vicious effects, like trafficking.

If Pope Francis wants to avoid Argentina "going the Mexican way," there is an obvious solution: Legalize drugs. If only the Holy Spirit could inspire this promising leader to reconsider his position on these global drug bans that have created so much unnecessary harm and evil.

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How Thailand's Lèse-Majesté Law Is Used To Stifle All Protest

Once meant to protect the royal family, the century-old law has become a tool for the military-led government in Bangkok to stamp out all dissent. A new report outlines the abuses.

Pro-Democracy protest at The Criminal Court in Bangkok, Thailand

Laura Valentina Cortés Sierra

"We need to reform the institution of the monarchy in Thailand. It is the root of the problem." Those words, from Thai student activist Juthatip Sirikan, are a clear expression of the growing youth-led movement that is challenging the legitimacy of the government and demanding deep political changes in the Southeast Asian nation. Yet those very same words could also send Sirikan to jail.

Thailand's Criminal Code 'Lèse-Majesté' Article 112 imposes jail terms for defaming, insulting, or threatening the monarchy, with sentences of three to 15 years. This law has been present in Thai politics since 1908, though applied sparingly, only when direct verbal or written attacks against members of the royal family.

But after the May 2014 military coup d'état, Thailand experienced the first wave of lèse-majesté arrests, prosecutions, and detentions of at least 127 individuals arrested in a much wider interpretation of the law.

The recent report 'Second Wave: The Return of Lèse-Majesté in Thailand', documents how the Thai government has "used and abused Article 112 of the Criminal Code to target pro-democracy activists and protesters in relation to their online political expression and participation in peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations."

Criticism of any 'royal project'

The investigation shows 124 individuals, including at least eight minors, have been charged with lèse-majesté between November 2020 and August 2021. Nineteen of them served jail time. The new wave of charges is cited as a response to the rising pro-democracy protests across Thailand over the past year.

Juthatip Sirikan explains that the law is now being applied in such a broad way that people are not allowed to question government budgets and expenditure if they have any relationship with the royal family, which stifles criticism of the most basic government decision-making since there are an estimated 5,000 ongoing "royal" projects. "Article 112 of lèse-majesté could be the key (factor) in Thailand's political problems" the young activist argues.

In 2020 the Move Forward opposition party questioned royal spending paid by government departments, including nearly 3 billion baht (89,874,174 USD) from the Defense Ministry and Thai police for royal security, and 7 billion baht budgeted for royal development projects, as well as 38 planes and helicopters for the monarchy. Previously, on June 16, 2018, it was revealed that Thailand's Crown Property Bureau transferred its entire portfolio to the new King Maha Vajiralongkorn.

photo of graffiti of 112 crossed out on sidewalk

Protestors In Bangkok Call For Political Prisoner Release

Peerapon Boonyakiat/SOPA Images via ZUMA Wire

Freedom of speech at stake

"Article 112 shuts down all freedom of speech in this country", says Sirikan. "Even the political parties fear to touch the subject, so it blocks most things. This country cannot move anywhere if we still have this law."

The student activist herself was charged with lèse-majesté in September 2020, after simply citing a list of public documents that refer to royal family expenditure. Sirikan comes from a family that has faced the consequences of decades of political repression. Her grandfather, Tiang Sirikhan was a journalist and politician who openly protested against Thailand's involvement in World War II. He was accused of being a Communist and abducted in 1952. According to Sirikhan's family, he was killed by the state.

The new report was conducted by The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Thai Lawyer for Human Rights (TLHR), and Internet Law Reform Dialogue (iLaw). It accuses Thai authorities of an increasingly broad interpretation of Article 112, to the point of "absurdity," including charges against people for criticizing the government's COVID-19 vaccine management, wearing crop tops, insulting the previous monarch, or quoting a United Nations statement about Article 112.

Juthatip Sirikan speaks in front of democracy monument.

Shift to social media

While in the past the Article was only used against people who spoke about the royals, it's now being used as an alibi for more general political repression — which has also spurred more open campaigning to abolish it. Sirikan recounts recent cases of police charging people for spreading paint near the picture of the king during a protest, or even just for having a picture of the king as phone wallpaper.

The more than a century-old law is now largely playing out online, where much of today's protest takes place in Thailand. Sirikan says people are willing to go further on social media to expose information such as how the king intervenes in politics and the monarchy's accumulation of wealth, information the mainstream media rarely reports on them.

Not surprisingly, however, social media is heavily monitored and the military is involved in Intelligence operations and cyber attacks against human rights defenders and critics of any kind. In October 2020, Twitter took down 926 accounts, linked to the army and the government, which promoted themselves and attacked political opposition, and this June, Google removed two Maps with pictures, names, and addresses, of more than 400 people who were accused of insulting the Thai monarchy. "They are trying to control the internet as well," Sirikan says. "They are trying to censor every content that they find a threat".

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