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Aid And The Arab Spring: Why The World Bank And NGOs Just Don't Get It

Op-Ed: In Egypt, development policy has long been driven by the dynamics of those who work in the field of international aid rather by than the needs and political will of the Egyptian people. The Jan. 25 revolution will change that, in spite of the devel

Egypt, destination unknown (Tom Chandler)
Egypt, destination unknown (Tom Chandler)
Amr Adly

CAIRO - A few days ago, I was invited to a meeting for the World Bank's office in Cairo to discuss a document outlining its transitional strategy for development in Egypt. This document supposedly reflects the World Bank's priorities in financing the different developmental projects in Egypt. It is usually prepared following consultations with government and non-government entities. Lately, political powers have also been asked to contribute to it.

I attended a session in which representatives from NGOs and civil society organizations working in diverse fields, such as education, technical training, health and women and children's affairs were present. These organizations focus on providing education, health services and other forms of assistance to marginalized groups and impoverished regions, such Upper Egypt and squatter settlements.

I was stunned by the misery on the faces of the World Bank and the civil society representatives alike. The discussions did not measure up to the gravity of the crisis or the dramatic transformations Egypt is going through one year after the revolution.

The World Bank and its partners were inclined to disregard the Jan. 25 revolution and ensuing changes that impacted the structure of public policies, including education and health. The World Bank put forward its old strategy, with the same partners and mechanisms, even though the context in Egypt has altogether changed.

Likewise, representatives from civil society assumed the role of development "experts," out of a belief that public policies are the job of technical experts with superior academic degrees and activists with expertise in work with local communities of the poor and illiterate.

They seemed oblivious to the fact that last year's revolution has led to the collapse of the old authority structure; and now public policies should once again be tackled as domestic political issues, not as fodder for internal and external experts from the government and the civil society.

Asked by the head of the World Bank office about the role they envisage for themselves after the election of a new parliament, civil society representatives invariably described themselves as "experts," saying whoever rises to power in Egypt will solicit the help of experts.

Perhaps their self-reassuring answer demonstrates a fear for their very existence and future role. They want to reassure themselves that they will be doing the same job in the future — that of facilitating the government's outreach to the poor and maintaining a partnership with the government.

Besides their inability to comprehend the major transformations Egypt is undergoing, civil society organizations are also dangerously heedless to the failure of the "state of experts' over more than two decades of authoritative development dominated by governmental and international bureaucracies --- including the World Bank itself.

Those bureaucracies do not see the people they cater for as capable of expressing their needs through organization and political engagement: They view them as a source of chaos and a menace to sound, rational planning, which only experts are capable of.

Experts have failed, all of them. Perhaps the current outburst of social demands provides adequate proof. The development experts had the resources but they have failed to see the country develop.

And so, what role should the World Bank and its civil society organizations play? The World Bank is a financial institution; its primary role is to lend money and to achieve development. It is an institution that should not exercise politics. The World Bank should ask NGOs to act as a liaison between local communities — which have started to organize and express themselves after the revolution — on the one hand and the World Bank on the other.

It is high time those organizations, which claim they communicate with deprived communities, allow those communities to speak for themselves.

Translated from Arabic by Dina Zafer

Read the full article at Al-Masry Al-Youm

Photo - Tom Chandler

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FOCUS: Russia-Ukraine War

War, Corruption And The Overdue Demise Of Ukrainian Oligarchs

The invasion of Russia has forced Ukraine to confront a domestic enemy: corruption and economic control by an insular and unethical elite.

Photograph of three masked demonstrators holding black smoke lights.

May 21, 2021, Ukraine: Demonstrators hold smoke bombs outside the Appeal Court of Kyiv.

Olena Khudiakova/ZUMA
Guillaume Ptak


KYIV — Since Russia’s invasion, Ukraine's all-powerful oligarchs have lost a significant chunk of their wealth and political influence. However, the fight against the corruption that plagues the country is only just beginning.

Stay up-to-date with the latest on the Russia-Ukraine war, with our exclusive international coverage.

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On the morning of September 2, several men wearing balaclavas and bullet-proof waistcoats bearing the initials "SBU" arrived at the door of an opulent mansion in Dnipro, Ukraine's fourth largest city. Facing them, his countenance frowning behind thin-rimmed glasses, was the owner of the house, the oligarch Ihor Kolomoisky.

Officers from the Ukrainian security services had come to hand him a "suspicion notice" as part of an investigation into "fraud" and "money laundering". His home was searched, and shortly afterwards he was remanded in custody, with bail set at 509 million hryvnias, or more than €1.3 million. A photo of the operation published that very morning by the security services was widely shared on social networks and then picked up by various media outlets.

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