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North Korea

10 Kim Jong-Un Haircuts - Can Anyone Look Good?

Reports say the North Korean leader has made his slicked-back, shaved-on-the-sides coiff mandatory for young men in his country. Here's how international VIPs look with Kim Jong hair.

One haircut to rule them all
One haircut to rule them all
Bertrand Hauger

Over the past couple of days, the Internet has been telling us (believe it or not?) that male university students in North Korea are now required to get the same haircut as their leader Kim Jong-un.

This isn’t the first news slipping out about the DPRK issuing guidelines about how to coif your ‘do: Last year it was reported that there were 28 approved hairstyles in the country — 14 each for men and women.

But making all young North Koreans go for that singular side-shaved, slicked-back Macklemore look would be yet another sign of the Supreme Leader’s totalitarian instincts. Or a hidden sense of humor?

Anyway, our preliminary research has found that, yes, the Jong-un look can be a fashion disaster for many ... but not all. How does it look to you?

CLOONEY v. PITT

George looks surprisingly bad...

Brad looks surprisingly good...

BIEBER V. GAGA

No, just no.

If a Lady can sport a meat dress, this is a piece of cake.

PUTIN v. MADURO

Scary just got scarier.

Sí Señor!

BECKHAM v. RODMAN

Back to Pyongyang for a trim

Becks can handle any hair...

JEFF v. BERTRAND (WORLDCRUNCH BONUS)

Sorry, boss.

Très chic!

*We went rogue…


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FOCUS: Russia-Ukraine War

Along The "New Border" Of Ukraine, Annexation Has Just Doubled The Danger

Vladimir Putin announced the annexation of Ukrainian territories in a ceremony in the Kremlin. In a village just a few kilometers away from what is now the Ukraine-Russia "border" in Putin's eyes, life continues amid constant shelling and the fear of what comes next.

Ukrainian soldiers are stationed in the village of Inhulka, near Kherson.

Stefan Schocher

INHULKA — The trail leads over a gravel road, a rickety pontoon bridge past a checkpoint. Here in the remote village of Inhulka near Kherson in southern Ukraine, soldiers sit in front of the village shop. Inside, two women run back and forth behind the counter, making coffee, selling sausages, weighing tomatoes. "Natalochka, where are the cookies," calls a dark-haired lady across the room.

But Natalochka, her colleague, is about to lose her nerve. "What kind of life is that?" she says, finally reaching up to grab the cookies from the top of a shelf. What kind of life can it be, she asks, when something is constantly exploding next to you and you don't know if you'll wake up in the morning.

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Inhulka is the center of a rural community. 1,587 inhabitants, as the village chief says, one school, one kindergarten, one doctor, two stores. Since March, nothing here is as it used to be. That was when the Russian army came to the village.

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Central to the tragic absurdity of this war is the question of language. Vladimir Putin has repeated that protecting ethnic Russians and the Russian-speaking populations of Ukraine was a driving motivation for his invasion.

Yet one month on, a quick look at the map shows that many of the worst-hit cities are those where Russian is the predominant language: Kharkiv, Odesa, Kherson.

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