Situated in the craggy foothills of the Himalayas, only 3% of the kingdom's territory is actually farmland. However, 80% of the population of Bhutan, a nation of 700,000 citizens, depends on agriculture as their livelihood.
"Bhutan has decided to pursue the idea of a green economy, in light of the enormous pressure on the planet," Bhutan's Agriculture Minister, Pema Gyamtsho, said.
By taking up organic farming, which is particularly adapted to small farms and is a market which is vastly expanding around the world, Bhutan is hoping to offer new export opportunities to its farmers, who are struggling to compete with neighboring India's intensive farming industry. Numerous villages dotted around the mountains do not have access to chemical fertilizers; therefore, organic farming would allow them to preserve their traditional farming techniques.
Bhutan's Prime Minister Jigme Thinley first announced that the country's farming industry would be converted in 2008, while launching the label "Grown in Bhutan," to be synonymous with “organically grown.”
"Organic farming will enrich and preserve our soil's fertility in a sustainable way, rather than exhausting or damaging with chemical products. This will protect our biodiversity," Jigme Thinley said in 2011. Thanks to this biodiversity, Bhutan is able to export rare varieties of mushroom to Japan and red rice to the U.S. It also produces natural dyes and aromatic oils that are very popular with perfume manufacturers.
Training the farmers
In a 2008 report, the United Nation’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) said that Bhutan needed to invest in order to accomplish this conversion. "Organic farming requires expert knowledge and a large labor force to succeed, two resources that are extremely rare in this country."
Bhutan will have to start training its farmers in quality control. But first it will have to convince them to make the transition to organic farming and to create cooperatives, despite their geographic isolation from one another. Collaboration has already started between Bhutan and Nahdanya, a network of organic farmers and seed keepers in India, where Navdanya has trained more than 500,000 farmers in organic farming.
This conversion will also contribute to increasing the country’s “gross national happiness” index. This list of priorities for the country puts protection of the environment and the" happiness of its people higher than an increase in the gross national product (GNP). On a site of 19 hectares (about 50 acres) at 3,000 meters (9,843 feet) above sea level, Bhutan has also begun building a center dedicated to human interaction and harmony with nature.
Once meant to protect the royal family, the century-old law has become a tool for the military-led government in Bangkok to stamp out all dissent. A new report outlines the abuses.
"We need to reform the institution of the monarchy in Thailand. It is the root of the problem." Those words, from Thai student activist Juthatip Sirikan, are a clear expression of the growing youth-led movement that is challenging the legitimacy of the government and demanding deep political changes in the Southeast Asian nation. Yet those very same words could also send Sirikan to jail.
Thailand's Criminal Code 'Lèse-Majesté' Article 112 imposes jail terms for defaming, insulting, or threatening the monarchy, with sentences of three to 15 years. This law has been present in Thai politics since 1908, though applied sparingly, only when direct verbal or written attacks against members of the royal family.
But after the May 2014 military coup d'état, Thailand experienced the first wave of lèse-majesté arrests, prosecutions, and detentions of at least 127 individuals arrested in a much wider interpretation of the law.
The recent report 'Second Wave: The Return of Lèse-Majesté in Thailand', documents how the Thai government has "used and abused Article 112 of the Criminal Code to target pro-democracy activists and protesters in relation to their online political expression and participation in peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations."
Criticism of any 'royal project'
The investigation shows 124 individuals, including at least eight minors, have been charged with lèse-majesté between November 2020 and August 2021. Nineteen of them served jail time. The new wave of charges is cited as a response to the rising pro-democracy protests across Thailand over the past year.
Juthatip Sirikan explains that the law is now being applied in such a broad way that people are not allowed to question government budgets and expenditure if they have any relationship with the royal family, which stifles criticism of the most basic government decision-making since there are an estimated 5,000 ongoing "royal" projects. "Article 112 of lèse-majesté could be the key (factor) in Thailand's political problems" the young activist argues.
In 2020 the Move Forward opposition party questioned royal spending paid by government departments, including nearly 3 billion baht (89,874,174 USD) from the Defense Ministry and Thai police for royal security, and 7 billion baht budgeted for royal development projects, as well as 38 planes and helicopters for the monarchy. Previously, on June 16, 2018, it was revealed that Thailand's Crown Property Bureau transferred its entire portfolio to the new King Maha Vajiralongkorn.
Protestors In Bangkok Call For Political Prisoner Release
Freedom of speech at stake
"Article 112 shuts down all freedom of speech in this country", says Sirikan. "Even the political parties fear to touch the subject, so it blocks most things. This country cannot move anywhere if we still have this law."
The student activist herself was charged with lèse-majesté in September 2020, after simply citing a list of public documents that refer to royal family expenditure. Sirikan comes from a family that has faced the consequences of decades of political repression. Her grandfather, Tiang Sirikhan was a journalist and politician who openly protested against Thailand's involvement in World War II. He was accused of being a Communist and abducted in 1952. According to Sirikhan's family, he was killed by the state.
The new report was conducted by The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Thai Lawyer for Human Rights (TLHR), and Internet Law Reform Dialogue (iLaw). It accuses Thai authorities of an increasingly broad interpretation of Article 112, to the point of "absurdity," including charges against people for criticizing the government's COVID-19 vaccine management, wearing crop tops, insulting the previous monarch, or quoting a United Nations statement about Article 112.
Activist in front of democracy monument in Thailand.
Shift to social media
While in the past the Article was only used against people who spoke about the royals, it's now being used as an alibi for more general political repression — which has also spurred more open campaigning to abolish it. Sirikan recounts recent cases of police charging people for spreading paint near the picture of the king during a protest, or even just for having a picture of the king as phone wallpaper.
The more than a century-old law is now largely playing out online, where much of today's protest takes place in Thailand. Sirikan says people are willing to go further on social media to expose information such as how the king intervenes in politics and the monarchy's accumulation of wealth, information the mainstream media rarely reports on them.
Not surprisingly, however, social media is heavily monitored and the military is involved in Intelligence operations and cyber attacks against human rights defenders and critics of any kind. In October 2020, Twitter took down 926 accounts, linked to the army and the government, which promoted themselves and attacked political opposition, and this June, Google removed two Maps with pictures, names, and addresses, of more than 400 people who were accused of insulting the Thai monarchy. "They are trying to control the internet as well," Sirikan says. "They are trying to censor every content that they find a threat".
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