Bedouins Of The Negev Resist Israel's Massive Relocation Plan

Judean Bedouins
Judean Bedouins
Serge Dumont

BEERSHEBA - "If we need to be violent to be heard, we will be violent. We will lay down under the bulldozers..."

A few kilometers south of Beersheba, the largest city in the Negev desert, Fahdi, his brothers and dozens of other relatives of his large family are gathered in a corrugated sheet metal hut that smells of tobacco and sweat.

Conversation, as it has been recently, revolves around the so-called "Praver plan." And emotions are running higher than ever: just the night before, the Praver bill had been approved by the Knesset, the Israeli parliament, in its first reading, moving ever closer to the forced displacement for up to 70,000 Bedouins out of a total of 220,000 currently living in the Negev.

Although the bill is not yet definitively passed (in Israel, it has to be approved three times to be enacted), the government and some small opposition parties appear to have a solid majority to make it law.

"In this country, even dogs are more highly regarded than Bedouins", explains Zaïd, one of Fahdi's cousins. "When we join the army, we are welcomed with open arms, but when we ask for the same rights as the rest of the population, we get nothing but scorn."

During the years following the 1948 establishment of the Jewish state, many Bedouins were "displaced" in order to utilize their land for military training and logistics for Tsahal, the Israeli army.

Unrecognized Bedouin village in the Negev - photo : Physicians for Human Rights

The villages whose inhabitants refused to move were punished by not being recognized by Israel, with many now turned to slums of makeshift housing of sheet metal and tarps with no access to electricity, running water or sewer system.

There are no social or medical services, nor public education provided. Because of the unrecognized status of their villages, these Bedouins don't have identity cards and are not registered at the Bituah Leumi, the Israeli social security. They don't vote, they don't pay taxes and are not eligible for any social services aid.

Some of these hamlets don't even have a name. They are at the end of dusty roads, totally isolated. Children don't go to school, and are left in charge of the goats and the few camels of the tribe. "When we need money, we sell some of our animals", says an old man proudly showing his four wives while drinking very thick black coffee.

A little further south, the five villages and 14,000 members of the Al Azazmeh tribe making up the Wadi el Naama territory are living in more comfortable conditions. But they reside near the giant waste incinerator of Ramat Hovav where toxic vapors pollute the air they breathe.

Nevertheless, these tribes refuse to leave. "We were here before the incinerator, and the state never asked our opinion when it was built," says Mohamad, who scavenges for his living by collecting metal and damaged car pieces.

"Racist and obscene"

Ehoud Praver, a former vice president of the National Security Council, was charged with hammering out an agreement with the tribal heads. But he failed. According to those close to Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu, the Praver plan was implemented by the government in September 2011 to handle the problem of the unrecognized villages. But after some adjustments made by former government minister Benny Begin, the goverment plans to destroy 35 villages and hamlets, and to "relocate" their inhabitants. Under the plan, the Bedouins affected would receive financial aid in order to buy lands registered at the tabu (the national territories register). Total cost: $330 million.

The problem is that Bedouins don't plan to leave the lands where they've now been living for centuries. "Our house is built on a land that belongs to my parents and that belonged to my grandparents before them," asks Fawzia, a student living in the only decent house - four cement walls - of the unrecognized village of Kasser al Sir. "My grandparents inherited it from their ancestors before the idea to establish a Jewish state was even suggested. Why should we leave?"

Right to housing - Photo : Physicians for Human Rights

Rather than a resettlement into new housing projects, Bedouin representatives want Israel to recognize the existing villages. They demand decent living conditions and a legal status.

"It would be a much cheaper solution, and would not take a lot of time," argues Dov Khanin, a Congressman. His colleague from the Hadash (the Jewish and Arab progressive party), Ahmed Tibi, considers the Praver plan "racist and obscene."

"We are going to witness the biggest population eviction since the "Nakba," says Tibi, referring to the term "disaster" that Palestinians call the 1948 founding of Israel. "Bedouins are peaceful and discreet people but they will not accept such a decision, they will react. More than their lands, their dignity and their way of life are at stake".

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What It Means When The Jews Of Germany No Longer Feel Safe

A neo-Nazi has been buried in the former grave of a Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender – not an oversight, but a deliberate provocation. This is just one more example of antisemitism on the rise in Germany, and society's inability to respond.

At a protest against antisemitism in Berlin

Eva Marie Kogel


BERLIN — If you want to check the state of your society, there's a simple test: as the U.S. High Commissioner for Germany, John Jay McCloy, said in 1949, the touchstone for a democracy is the well-being of Jews. This litmus test is still relevant today. And it seems Germany would not pass.

Incidents are piling up. Most recently, groups of neo-Nazis from across the country traveled to a church near Berlin for the funeral of a well-known far-right figure. He was buried in the former grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender, a gravesite chosen deliberately by the right-wing extremists.

The incident at the cemetery

They intentionally chose a Jewish grave as an act of provocation, trying to gain maximum publicity for this act of desecration. And the cemetery authorities at the graveyard in Stahnsdorf fell for it. The church issued an immediate apology, calling it a "terrible mistake" and saying they "must immediately see whether and what we can undo."

There are so many incidents that get little to no media attention.

It's unfathomable that this burial was allowed to take place at all, but now the cemetery authorities need to make a decision quickly about how to put things right. Otherwise, the grave may well become a pilgrimage site for Holocaust deniers and antisemites.

The incident has garnered attention in the international press and it will live long in the memory. Like the case of singer-songwriter Gil Ofarim, who recently claimed he was subjected to antisemitic abuse at a hotel in Leipzig. Details of the crime are still being investigated. But there are so many other incidents that get little to no media attention.

Photo of the grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender

The grave of Jewish musicologist Max Friedlaender

Jens Kalaene/dpa/ZUMA

Crimes against Jews are rising

Across all parts of society, antisemitism is on the rise. Until a few years ago, Jewish life was seen as an accepted part of German society. Since the attack on the synagogue in Halle in 2019, the picture has changed: it was a bitter reminder that right-wing terror against Jewish people has a long, unbroken history in Germany.

Stories have abounded about the coronavirus crisis being a Jewish conspiracy; meanwhile, Muslim antisemitism is becoming louder and more forceful. The anti-Israel boycott movement BDS rears its head in every debate on antisemitism, just as left-wing or post-colonial thinking are part of every discussion.

Jewish life needs to be allowed to step out of the shadows.

Since 2015, the number of antisemitic crimes recorded has risen by about a third, to 2,350. But victims only report around 20% of cases. Some choose not to because they've had bad experiences with the police, others because they're afraid of the perpetrators, and still others because they just want to put it behind them. Victims clearly hold out little hope of useful reaction from the state – so crimes go unreported.

And the reality of Jewish life in Germany is a dark one. Sociologists say that Jewish children are living out their "identity under siege." What impact does it have on them when they can only go to nursery under police protection? Or when they hear Holocaust jokes at school?

Germany needs to take its antisemitism seriously

This shows that the country of commemorative services and "stumbling blocks" placed in sidewalks as a memorial to victims of the Nazis has lost its moral compass. To make it point true north again, antisemitism needs to be documented from the perspective of those affected, making it visible to the non-Jewish population. And Jewish life needs to be allowed to step out of the shadows.

That is the first thing. The second is that we need to talk about specifically German forms of antisemitism. For example, the fact that in no other EU country are Jewish people so often confronted about the Israeli government's policies (according to a survey, 41% of German Jews have experienced this, while the EU average is 28%). Projecting the old antisemitism onto the state of Israel offers people a more comfortable target for their arguments.

Our society needs to have more conversations about antisemitism. The test of German democracy, as McCloy called it, starts with taking these concerns seriously and talking about them. We need to have these conversations because it affects all of us. It's about saving our democracy. Before it's too late.

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